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   | Did Muslim Rulers bar Hindus from Administration ? By Maqbool Ahmed Siraj
 Mahmood Ghaznvi had many Hindu generals in his army, most prominent being Tilak, 
Sondi Rai, Jairaj and Souvana Rai, while Aurangzeb’s trust of Hindu officers was 
so great that he is known to rely on none, but the Hindus to guard his palace.
 
 The 650 years of Muslim rule in India could not have enjoyed that longevity 
without evoking considerable goodwill among the Hindu subjects. Be it the 
Sultanate era (1191 – 1527 AD) or Mughal dynasty (1528 – 1857 AD), emperors 
relied upon Hindu ministers, officers, warriors, accountants, chroniclers and 
the whole hierarchy of other functionaries to consolidate, run, administer and 
manage the empire. Even Hindu Rajas appointed Muslims ministers and envoys.
 
 For instance, the defence portfolio in the Mughal durbar was invariably held by 
the rajas of Jaipur with whom the Mughals enjoyed rare camaraderie. If it was 
Raja Mansingh in Akbar’s cabinet of ministers, it was Raja Jaswant Singh in 
Aurangzeb’s court who held the defence portfolio. It would be difficult to 
imagine Hindus in such a key portfolio, if indeed, Muslim rulers distrusted them 
or suspected their loyalty. Looked from this angle, all these account of Hindus 
versus Muslims in medieval era appear to be fabricated accretions at the hands 
of British historiographers. Axis of social relationships in the era revolved 
round power rather than faith of the rulers. Even Maratha warrior Shivaji 
employed umpteen number of Muslims in his court and army. His private secretary 
was one Sheikh. Siddi Hambal and Siddi Bilal were leading commanders and a 
Muslim headed his navy 1.
 
 Historians often selectively allude to cruelties during the battles and amplify 
its ambit to governance in order to lampoon the Muslim kings for their 
communally intolerant attitude. But it must be understood that the Muslim rulers 
were here primarily as rulers and not champions of Islam. They were sagacious 
enough and were not willing to let the circumstances of conquest interfere with 
the expediencies of rule. This made it impossible for them to adopt a policy of 
distrusting Hindus. In this, they often disregarded the advice of the Muslim 
theologians and clerics and were solely guided by the dictates of political 
expediency. For instance, Ghiyasuddin Balban (ruled between 1296 to 1287) kept 
theorists like Ziauddin Barani at a distance by dismissing them as mere seekers 
of narrow mundane gains (ulema e duniya).
 
 Alauddin Khilji (1296 to 1316) did have a discussion with his Qazi but in 
practice, he followed the rule that, in his calculation, best served the 
interests of his power and people. Muhammad bin Tughlaq (1324-51 AD) far from 
degrading Hindus, accorded them high positions while his successor Firuz Tughlaq 
(1351-88) showed interest in Hindu traditions and monuments. Sikandar Lodi (1489 
to 1517) even if sometimes remembered as a bigot, encouraged the Hindus to learn 
Persian for their fuller participation in state management 2.
 
 
 Even the first Muslim ruler of Sind, Muhammad bin Qasim recruited Jats and 
Meidis in his army who were so disgusted with the rule of Dahir that they joined 
the forces of a stranger. They were being ill treated and humiliated under the 
rule of Dahir. They were prohibited from riding horses, wearing headgears and 
putting on decent robes. They had been reduced to woodcutters and water drawers 
3.
 
 Despite having levied jizya on non-Muslims, Muhammad was loved by the subjects. 
When he was sent as a prisoner with Muawiya ibne Muhallab to Damascus on the 
orders of Caliph Sulaiman Ibne Marwan, the people of Sind wept for Muhammad and 
preserved his likeness (made an idol of him) at Kiraj 4.
 
 Mahmood Ghaznvi though looted and desecrated Hindu temples for wealth, had a lot 
of Hindu generals in his army. Some of the most prominent among them are Tilak, 
Sondi Rai, Jairaj, Souvana Rai, Jai Sen and Viraj Rai. Their loyalty to Mahmood 
was exemplary. They continued to serve his successor and son, Masood. General 
Nath was his most trusted confidant. He was sent to suppress the revolt by 
Niyalitgin with the help of his Hindu soldiers in Afghanistan. On his death in 
the war, Masood was so grief stricken that he did not eat for three days 5.
 
 Mohammad Bin Tughlaq reposed full confidence in the Hindus and appointed them to 
the highest post. He appointed a Hindu, Ratan as the governor of Sind. Bhivan 
Rai was made the commander of the fort of Gulbarga. Nakka, Lodha, Pira, Kishan 
are mentioned as high mansabdars in the court of Tughlaq.
 
 Raja Ramdev of Devagiri rendered assistance to Alauddin Khilji in his 
expeditions to South India. The Raja is mentioned as ‘Sarfaraz e Hanood” and 
‘Banda e Khas Dargah e Shah’.
 
 Muhammad bin Tughlaq is butt of ridicule by historians for several of his novel 
initiatives. But a Sanskrit inscription of 1327 AD describes Mohammed Bin 
Tughlaq as the Saka Lord:
 
 Poet Madona Deva writes: “There is this famous king Mohammad Shah, crest jewel 
of all the rulers of the earth who by his personal bravery has crushed the 
enemies and is the powerful Saka Lord.”
 
 Raja Toder Mal, a Khatri Rajput, became the finance minister of emperor Akbar. 
He held the charhazari mansab in Akbar’s army. He was titled as ‘Moatamad ud 
Daulah’ and ‘Umdat ud daulah’.
 
 Historian Prof. R.S. Sharma writes that no Indian in British India ever rose to 
the high rank which Todermal held as the viceregent and finance minister under 
Mughals. It is significant that of the 12 finance ministers appointed in 
1594-95, eight were Hindus7.
 
 Shershah, a Turk ruler of Delhi, who established the Suri Dynasty in Delhi, 
dislodging the Mughals for around 15 years, had appointed Hindus at high posts. 
Almost entire of his Infantry and gunnery was manned by Hindus. Most of the 
gunners were from Buxaria community. A special regiment was dedicated for 
Rajputs. Premjit Gaur was one among his best commanders. Gwalior Raja Ram Shah 
fought several battles for Shershah 8.
 
 Aurangzeb is much reviled in the Indian press for his policy of isolating 
Hindus. But even a historian of K. R. Malkani’s repute (a former editor of the 
RSS spokesman The Organiser), Aurangzeb’s trust of Hindu officers was so great 
that he is known to rely on none but the Hindus to guard his palace 9.
 
 After a conquest against Maratha forces, Aurangzeb was advised by one of his 
general, Mahram Khan in his letter to the emperor to remove the Hindu officers 
from top posts suspecting their loyalty. Aurangzeb replied that there was no 
compulsion in matters of religion and everybody should be free to follow his 
faith. He said ‘If your (Mahram Khan’s) advice is followed, it would be 
incumbent upon me to dismiss all the Hindu Rajas (subordinates under the 
emperor’s rule) which I may not be able to carry out. No sane person will afford 
to remove the highly capable officers.” The fact that Aurangzeb rejected the 
militantly orthodox advice is in itself a proof that the emperor was liberal 
enough to understand the complexities of statecraft 10.
 
 Rather the number of Hindu mansabdars in Mughal army grew to the highest during 
Aurangzeb’s reign. They were even greater than those in the tenure of Akbar.
 
 Be it Mughals or the sultans of the six preceding Muslim dynasties of Delhi, the 
Muslim emperors did not insist on elimination of the local rulers. They, rather, 
found it convenient to depend on them to extent their rule through them and 
demanded only their subservience to the emperors in Delhi by regularly paying a 
part of the revenue. So we have the instance of Sultan Mohammad Ghori who 
established Muslim sultanate over Delhi in 1191 by defeating Prithvi Raj. But 
gave away the kingdom of Ajmer to Prithvi’s son. It was snatched back by 
Prithvi’s brother by deposing his nephew. Ghori’s successor Qutbuddin Aibak 
again conquered Ajmer. He appointed a Muslim governor this time. Ghori did not 
bear any enmity against the Hindus, nor did Prithvi Raj against Muslims. Even 
Ghori’s successor, Qutubuddin Aibak left the administration of Ajmer and Gwalior 
in the hands of Rajput princes. But today we have our political masters in 
Pakistan and India naming their missiles ‘Prithvi’ and ‘Ghori’.
 
 Notes and references
 
 1. Syed Sabahuddin Abdur Rahman, Mazhabi Ravadari vol 3, Darul Musannifeen, 
Azamgarh, p. 320-21, 1993
 
 2. Muzaffar Alam, Beyond Turk and Hindu (ed. David Gilmartin and Bruce B. 
Lawrence), University Press of Florida, 2000, page 227
 
 3. Ref. Prof. Eswari Prasad, History of Medieval India, page 55-56
 
 4. William Jackson A. V., (ed) History of India, vol. 5, The Grolier society, 
London, Baroda edition 1907, page 14). It is also quoted by Sheikh Mohammad 
Ikram from Futuhus Salateen and Futuhul Buldan.
 
 5. Sheikh Md. Ikram, Aab e Kausar, Adabi Markaz, Matia Mahal, 1981
 
 6. Qasim Farishta’s Tarikh e Firishta. Dr. Tarachand in his Mukhtasar Tarikh Ahl 
e Hind says that Tughlaq used to avoid the narrow minded interpreters of sharia.
 
 7. S. R. Sharma, The Religious policy of emperors, . p. 22
 
 8. Kalka Ranjan Kanungo, Sher Shah, p. 369- 370
 
 9. K. R. Malkani, The Statesman, Calcutta, 30-8-1980
 
 10. Om Prakash Prasad, Auranzeb-Ek Nai Drishti, Khuda Baksh Khan Oriental Public 
Library, Patna, 1994
 
 11. S. R. Sharma, The Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors, 3rd edition, 
1988)
 
 More references could be had from M. K. A. Siddiqui, Hindu Participation in 
Muslim Administration in Medieval India, Institute of Objective Studies, 
Kolkata, 2002.
 
 (The writer can be reached at maqbool_siraj@rediffmail.com and 
debunkmyth@yahoo.co.in)
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