Why the Western urge to ridicule the Prophet?  
			By: Karen Armstrong  
 The recent distasteful incident of the Danish cartoons will not be 
			the last time people will try to disparage the character of Prophet 
			Muhammad . 
			 
			In light of this it is important to understand the history of the 
			Western bigotry against Prophet Muhammad . 
			 
			In the following article excerpted from "Muhammad - A Biography of 
			the Prophet", Karen Armstrong reflects on a similar incident a few 
			years ago when the book "Satanic Verses" caused a crises in 
			Muslim-Western relations. Ms. Armstrong traces the bitter history of 
			Muslim-Western relations which began with Christian attacks on the 
			character of Prophet Muhammad in Muslim Spain.
			It has been difficult for Western people to understand the 
			violent Muslim reaction to Salman Rushdie's fictional portrait of 
			Muhammad in The Satanic Verses. It seemed incredible that a novel 
			could inspire such murderous hatred, a reaction which was regarded 
			as proof of the incurable intolerance of Islam. It was particularly 
			disturbing for people in Britain to learn that the Muslim 
			communities in their own cities lived according to different, 
			apparently alien values and were ready to defend them to the death. 
			But there were also uncomfortable reminders of the Western past in 
			this tragic affair. When British people watched the Muslims of 
			Bradford burning the novel, did they relate this to the bonfires of 
			books that had blazed in Christian Europe over the centuries? In 
			1242, for example, King Louis IX of France, a canonized saint of the 
			Roman Catholic Church, condemned the Jewish Talmud as a vicious 
			attack on the person of Christ. The book was banned and copies were 
			publicly burned in the presence of the King. Louis had no interest 
			in discussing his differences with the Jewish communities of France 
			in a peaceful, rational way. He once claimed that the only way to 
			debate with a Jew was to kill him "with a good thrust in the 
			belly as far as the sword will go".1 It was Louis who 
			called the first Inquisition to bring Christian heretics to justice 
			and burned not merely their books but hundreds of men and women. He 
			was also a Muslim-hater and led two crusades against the Islamic 
			world. In Louis' day it was not Islam but the Christian West which 
			found it impossible to coexist with others. Indeed, the bitter 
			history of Muslim-Western relations can be said to have begun with 
			an attack on Muhammad in Muslim Spain. 
			 
			In 850 a monk called Perfectus went shopping in the souk of 
			Cordova, capital of the Muslim state of al-Andalus. Here he was 
			accosted by a group of Arabs who asked him whether Jesus or Muhammad 
			was the greater prophet. Perfectus understood at once that it was a 
			trick question, because it was a capital offence in the Islamic 
			empire to insult Muhammad, and at first he responded cautiously. But 
			suddenly he snapped and burst into a passionate stream of abuse, 
			calling the Prophet of Islam a charlatan, a sexual pervert and 
			Antichrist himself. He was immediately swept off to goal. 
			 
			This incident was unusual for Cordova, where Christian-Muslim 
			relations were normally good. Like the Jews, Christians were allowed 
			full religious liberty within the Islamic empire and most Spaniards 
			were proud to belong to such an advanced culture, light years ahead 
			of the rest of Europe. They were often called 'Mozarabs' or 'Arabisers'. 
			 
			The Christians love to read the poems and romances of the Arabs; 
			they study the Arab theologians and philosophers, not to refute them 
			but to form a correct and elegant Arabic. Where is the layman who 
			now reads the Latin commentaries on the Holy Scriptures, or who 
			studies the Gospels, prophets or apostles? Alas! All talented young 
			Christians read and study with enthusiasm the Arab books.2 
			 
			Paul Alvaro, the Spanish layman who wrote this attack on the 
			Mozarabs at about this time, saw the monk Perfectus as a cultural 
			and religious hero. His denunciation of Muhammad had inspired a 
			strange minority movement in Cordova whereby men and women presented 
			themselves before the Qadi, the Islamic judge, and proved their 
			Christian loyalty by a vitriolic and suicidal attack on the 
			Prophet. 
			 
			When Perfectus had arrived in gaol he had been extremely frightened, 
			and the Qadi decided not to pass the death sentence because he 
			judged that Perfectus had been unfairly provoked by the Muslims. But 
			after a few days Perfectus cracked a second time and insulted 
			Muhammad in such crude terms that the Qadi had no option but to 
			apply the full rigor of the law. The monk was executed, and at once 
			a group of Christians, who seem to have lived on the fringes of 
			society, dismembered his body and began to revere relics of their 
			"martyr'. A few days later another monk called Ishaq appeared before 
			the Qadi and attacked Muhammad and his religion with such passion 
			that the Qadi, thinking him either drunk or deranged, slapped him to 
			bring him to his senses. But Ishaq persisted in his abuse and the 
			Qadi could not continue to permit this flagrant violation of the 
			law. 
			 
			Ninth-century Cordova was not like Bradford in 1988. The Muslims 
			were powerful and confident. They seemed extremely reluctant to put 
			these Christian fanatics to death, partly because they did not seem 
			in control of their faculties but also because they realized that 
			the last thing they needed was a martyr-cult. Muslims were not 
			averse to hearing about other religions. Islam had been born in the 
			religious pluralism of the Middle East, where the various faiths had 
			coexisted for centuries. The Eastern Christian empire of Byzantium 
			likewise permitted minority religious groups liberty to practice 
			their faith and to manage their own religious affairs. There was no 
			law against propaganda efforts by Christians in the Islamic empire, 
			provided that they did not attack the beloved figure of the Prophet 
			Muhammad. In some parts of the empire there was even an established 
			tradition of skepticism and freethinking which was tolerated as long 
			as it kept within the bounds of decency and was not too 
			disrespectful. In Cordova the Qadi and the Amir, the prince, were 
			both loath to put Perfectus and Ishaq to death but they could not 
			allow this breach of the law. But a few days after Ishaq's 
			execution, six other monks from his monastery arrived and delivered 
			yet another venomous attack on Muhammad. That summer about fifty 
			martyrs died in this way. They were denounced by the Bishop of 
			Cordova and by the Mozarabs, who were all extremely alarmed by this 
			aggressive cult of martyrdom. But the martyrs found two champions: a 
			priest called Eulogio and Paul Alvaro both argued that the martyrs 
			were "soldiers of God" who were fighting bravely for their faith. 
			They had mounted a complex moral assault against Islam which was 
			difficult for the Muslim authorities to deal with because it seemed 
			to put them in the wrong.
			It is still common for Western people to take it for granted that 
			Muhammad had simply "used" religion as a way of achieving world 
			conquest or to assert that Islam is a violent religion of the sword, 
			even though there are many scholarly and objective studies of Islam 
			and its Prophet that disprove this myth of Mahound
			The martyrs came from all levels of society: they were men and 
			women, monks, priests, laymen, simple folk and sophisticated 
			scholars. But many seem to have been searching for a clear, distinct 
			Western identity. Some appear to have come from mixed homes, with a 
			Muslim and a Christian parent; others had been urged to assimilate 
			too closely with Muslim culture - they had been given Arab names3 
			or had been pushed into a career in the civil service - and felt 
			disoriented and confused. The loss of cultural roots can be a 
			profoundly disturbing experience and even in our own day it can 
			produce an aggressive, defiant religiosity as a means of asserting 
			the beleaguered self. Perhaps we should remember the martyrs of 
			Cordova when we feel bewildered by the hostility and rage in some of 
			the Muslim communities in the West and in other parts of the world 
			where Western culture threatens traditional values. The martyr 
			movement led by Alvaro and Eulogio was as bitterly opposed to the 
			Christian Mozarabs as to the Muslims and accused them of being 
			cultural defectors. Eulogio made a visit to Pamplona in neighboring 
			Christendom and came back with Western books: texts of the Latin 
			Fathers of the Church and Roman classical works by Vergil and 
			Juvenal. He wanted to resist the Arabisation of his fellow Spaniards 
			and create a Latin renaissance which looked back with nostalgia to 
			the Roman past of his country as a way of neutralizing the influence 
			of the dominant Muslim culture. The movement fizzled out when 
			Eulogio himself was put to death by the Qadi, who begged him to save 
			his life by making a token submission to Islam - nobody would check 
			his subsequent religious behavior - and not give in to this 
			"deplorable and fatal self-destruction" like the other "fools and 
			idiots".4 But Eulogio merely told him to sharpen his 
			sword. 
			 
			This curious incident was uncharacteristic of life in Muslim Spain. 
			For the next 600 years members of the three religions of historical 
			monotheism were able to live together in relative peace and harmony: 
			the Jews, who were being hounded- to death in the rest of Europe, 
			were able to enjoy a rich cultural renaissance of their own. But the 
			story of the martyrs of Cordova reveals an attitude that would 
			become common in the West. At that time Islam was a great world 
			power while Europe, overrun by barbarian tribes, had become a 
			cultural backwater. Later the whole world would seem to be Islamic, 
			rather as it seems Western today, and Islam was a continuous 
			challenge to the West until the eighteenth century. Now it seems 
			that the Cold War against the Soviet Union is about to be replaced 
			by a Cold War against Islam. 
			 
			Eulogio and Alvaro both believed that the rise of Islam was a 
			preparation for the advent of Antichrist, the great pretender 
			described in the New Testament, whose reign would herald the Last 
			Days. The author of the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians had 
			explained that Jesus would not return until the "Great Apostasy" had 
			taken place: a rebel would establish his-rule in the Temple of 
			Jerusalem and mislead many Christians with his plausible doctrines.5 
			The Book of Revelation also spoke of a great Beast, marked with the 
			mysterious number 666, who would crawl out of the abyss, enthrone 
			himself on the Temple Mount and rule the world.6 Islam 
			seemed to fit these ancient prophecies perfectly. The Muslims had 
			conquered Jerusalem in 638, had built two splendid mosques on the 
			Temple Mount and did indeed seem to rule the world. Even though 
			Muhammad had lived after Christ, when there was no need for a 
			further revelation, he had set himself up as a prophet and many 
			Christians had apostatized and joined the new religion. Eulogio and 
			Alvaro had in their possession a brief life of Muhammad, which had 
			taught them that he had died in the year 666 of the Era of Spain, 
			which was thirty-eight years ahead of conventional reckoning. This 
			late eighth century Western biography of Muhammad had been produced 
			in the monastery of Leyre near Pamplona on the hinterland of the 
			Christian world, which trembled before the mighty Islamic giant. 
			Besides the political threat, the success of Islam raised- a 
			disturbing theological question: how had God allowed this impious 
			faith to prosper? Could it be that he had deserted his own people? 
			 
			The diatribes against Muhammad uttered by the Cordovan martyrs had 
			been based on this apocalyptic biography. In this fear-ridden 
			fantasy, Muhammad was an impostor and a charlatan, who had set 
			himself up as a prophet to deceive the world; he was a lecher who 
			had wallowed in disgusting debauchery and inspired his followers to 
			do the same; he had forced people to convert to his faith at sword 
			point. Islam was not an independent revelation, therefore, but a 
			heresy, a failed form, of Christianity; it was a violent religion of 
			the sword that glorified war and slaughter. After the demise of the 
			martyr movement in Cordova, a few people in other parts of Europe 
			heard their story, but there was little reaction. Yet around 250 
			years later, when Europe was about to re-enter the international 
			scene, Christian legends would reproduce this fantastic portrait of 
			Muhammad with uncanny fidelity. Some serious scholars would attempt 
			to achieve a more objective view of the Prophet and his religion, 
			but this fictional portrait of "Mahound" persisted at a popular 
			level. He became the great enemy of the emerging Western identity, 
			standing for everything that "we" hoped we were not. Traces of the 
			old fantasy survive to the present day. It is still common for 
			Western people to take it for granted that Muhammad had simply 
			"used" religion as a way of achieving world conquest or to assert 
			that Islam is a violent religion of the sword, even though there are 
			many scholarly and objective studies of Islam and its Prophet that 
			disprove this myth of Mahound.  
			Excerpted from "Muhammad - A Biography of the Prophet" by 
			Karen Armstrong. 
			NOTES: 
			1. John of Joinville, The life of St Louis, trans. Rene Hague and 
			ed. Natalis de Wailly (London, 1955), p. 36. 
			2. Paul Alvaro , Indiculus Luminosus, quoted in R. W. Southern, 
			Western Views of Islam in the Middle Age (London, 1962), p. 21. 
			 
			3. Perfectus was probably a Latin version of the Arab name al -Kamil 
			(the Complete One); other martyrs were called Servus Dei, which must 
			be a translation of Abdallah (the Slave of God). 
			 
			4. Paul Alvaro, Vita Eulogii, quoted in Norman Daniel, The Arabs and 
			Medieval Europe (London and Beirut, 1975), p. 29 
			 
			5. II Thessalonians 1:4 - 8. The author was not St Paul; the letter 
			was written years after PaulŐs death. 
			 
			6. Revelation 19:19